Speech processing while unconscious: Sleep inhibits action but not preparation and meaning

In a team effort between the Medical Research Council Cognition and Brain Sciences Unit (Cambridge, UK) and the Laboratory of Cognitive and Psycholinguistics Sciences, Ecole Normale Superiore (Paris), part of what we are capable of while sleeping has been unravelled.

People were asked to classify words belonging to one of two categories – animals or objects – by pressing buttons with the left or the right hand, and continued to do so until they have fallen asleep. Their brain activity indicated that they were able to decode the meaning of the words and intended to act but the unconscious state during sleep prevented them from responding (no movement of the fingers).

This result indicates that once a rule (animals press left/objects press right) is established during wakefulness it can still be implemented even during sleep. This means that the decoding networks in the brain process the spoken words and that information (if it is an animal or an object for instance) is passed to a motor plan signaling the intention and subsequent action. During sleep that action is inhibited (we do not purposefully move during sleep) but this study has found that the meaning extraction and subsequent action preparation remained but was slower and lasted longer.

To confirm this result a second study tested whether people could classify word or nonwords (like boat or foat). A similar pattern emerged, showing appropriate brain preparation activity for left or right button presses even if responses were inhibited by the sleep mechanisms.

Dyslexia Impairs Speech Recognition but Can Spare Phonological Competence

Dyslexia is associated with numerous deficits to speech processing. Accordingly, a large literature asserts that dyslexics manifest a phonological deficit. Few studies, however, have assessed the phonological grammar of dyslexics, and none has distinguished a phonological deficit from a phonetic impairment. Here, we show that these two sources can be dissociated. Three experiments demonstrate that a group of adult dyslexics studied here is impaired in phonetic discrimination (e.g., ba vs. pa), and their deficit compromises even the basic ability to identify acoustic stimuli as human speech. Remarkably, the ability of these individuals to generalize grammatical phonological rules is intact. Like typical readers, these Hebrew-speaking dyslexics identified ill-formed AAB stems (e.g., titug) as less wordlike than well-formed ABB controls (e.g., gitut), and both groups automatically extended this rule to nonspeech stimuli, irrespective of reading ability. The contrast between the phonetic and phonological capacities of these individuals demonstrates that the algebraic engine that generates phonological patterns is distinct from the phonetic interface that implements them. While dyslexia compromises the phonetic system, certain core aspects of the phonological grammar can be spared.